Comparative Analysis of NYPD in 1986 and 2006
Michael Griffith, Cedric Sandiford and Timothy Grimes had to walk through Howard Beach because of car trouble. They might as well have been walking through Forsyth County, Georgia where Black residents had to flee the county in the early twentieth century.
Howard Beach was like a cow pasture. The residents behaved like bulls seeing red. Black skin in Howard Beach was the wrong color. Upon seeing the skin hue, the residents would go into a frenzy. See also Willie Turks. Since law enforcement agents, with similar views, lived in Howard Beach, Black pedestrians were fair game.
This happened in the early morning hours of December 20. The white mob chased three Black men onto a parkway. Sandiford described the mob as including teenagers. Sandiford made one additional claim. A vehicle was also in the chase. This same vehicle had run down Michael Griffith.
It had left the crime scene but it returned later with a father and son. The son claimed that he had hit a tire and, purportedly, was concerned about its condition. The father was a police sergeant with the NYPD. His son was a court officer. They were white.
In the meantime, Sandiford was in police custody. He was denied medical attention. His crime was the wrong skin color in the wrong venue. The aggravating factor was Sandiford’s claim that he had witnessed a driver, who happened to be a white cop not only lead the mob but also had caused Griffith’s death. “New York –we have a problem.”
Obviously, the NYPD and the Queens County district attorney’s office had to go into a cover-up mode. A war had to be orchestrated against Sandiford. It had to be well-publicized. This would mean summoning the white media as a partner in crime to question Sandiford’s credibility and to undermine his testimony.
Within 48 hours after the racial attack, the NYPD was scheduling a lineup while Sandiford was blind from blows by the bat-wielding mob. Two days after the attack, the NYPD seized Sandiford and took him to a local police precinct in Queens for the lineup. At the end of the day, the police hoped that the investigation would come to a close. The mob could celebrate.
This dream came to an end when Alton H. Maddox, Jr. walked into the police precinct and rescued Sandiford from the mob in blue. Police brass threatened to arrest Maddox for interfering with an official police investigation. Police Commissioner Benjamin Ward called Maddox an “ambulance chaser.” Mayor Ed Koch also joined the posse.
The prosecutor’s next move was to schedule a preliminary hearing instead of a grand jury investigation. A preliminary hearing is usually not used because it is a public hearing and no prosecutor’s office wants to tip its hand. A preliminary hearing benefits the defense.
The identity and testimony of grand jury witnesses is kept away from the defense until the witness actually testifies at a hearing or at a trial. By then, it is too late to conduct an investigation of the witness. Prosecutors also argue that jury tampering and jury intimidation may result from a preliminary hearing.
Maddox appeared at the Queens courthouse and informed Queens Criminal Court Judge Ernest Bianchi, that Sandiford would defy any subpoena and would not participate in a kangaroo hearing. Bianchi, who referred to Blacks as “Negroes,” immediately dismissed criminal charges against three white mob members citing Sandiford’s refusal to cooperate with his legal demise.
A similar scenario is occurring in the Sean Bell et. al investigation. The district attorney’s office has refused to impanel a grand jury and conduct a criminal investigation. The testimony of all grand jury witnesses must appear in the grand jury minutes and before the grand jury.
Nonetheless, lawyers for the victims and the witnesses are encouraging them to cooperate with the district attorney’s office but not the NYPD like they are not “kissing cousins.” This is a Mutt and Jeff scheme and the district attorney’s office is setting up a perjury trap.
Frederick Douglass stated, “Power concedes nothing without a demand, it never has and it never will.” A demand ends with “or else.” No one has stepped forward to specifically demand a special prosecutor as that term is defined in militant parlance.
There was an “or else” in Howard Beach. In the Bell case, some leaders are begging for a special prosecutor and, afterwards, witnesses and victims are stepping over each other to illegally cooperate with the district attorney’s office. No grand jury has been impaneled.
In Howard Beach, the victims never cooperated with the police nor the district attorney’s office and only cooperated with a grand jury impaneled by the special prosecutor. Only a grand jury can issue a subpoena. This means that neither the district attorney’s office nor the police can conduct an official investigation.
There was no fear of asserting legal rights in Howard Beach. There is a Black fear, and not a Black rage, in the Bell case. Everyone is engaged in double-talk. In Howard Beach, Koch was a symbol of racism. Today, no one has targeted Mayor Michael Bloomberg as a racist. “He who pays the piper calls the tune.” Bloomberg has deep pockets and Black leaders today are whores.
The white media was hostile to everyone in the Howard Beach case. It was certainly opposed to promoting any acts of civil disobedience in 1987. Today, the white media is promoting all “marches.” Of course, all marches today are planned by the NYPD.
Fifteen thousand Blacks seized Fifth Avenue in January 1987 and marched to Koch’s apartment in Greenwich Village and mounted a protest without a police permit. This was a common practice twenty years ago. Blacks seized the entire street. There were no iron fences erected on streets to corral Blacks like cattle.
In the end, there was a special prosecutor in Howard Beach . This was a first in this country’s history. There had never been a special prosecutor in a racially-motivated case. Today, Blacks are afraid to demand a special prosecutor and also the immediate arrest of the five assassins who murdered Bell and seriously wounded his two companions, Joseph Guzman and Trent Benefield.
What happened to Blacks in New York City between 1986 and 2006? Who is missing?
Within the next month, an effort is afoot to put the final nail in my legal coffin. I need your support immediately. Please send any expression of support to UAM Legal Defense Fund, c/o Alton H. Maddox, Jr., 16 Court Street, Ste. 1901, Brooklyn, NY 11241. The struggle must continue. Asante sana
See: Blueprint to End Police Terrorism at www.reinstatealtonmaddox.com
Howard Beach was like a cow pasture. The residents behaved like bulls seeing red. Black skin in Howard Beach was the wrong color. Upon seeing the skin hue, the residents would go into a frenzy. See also Willie Turks. Since law enforcement agents, with similar views, lived in Howard Beach, Black pedestrians were fair game.
This happened in the early morning hours of December 20. The white mob chased three Black men onto a parkway. Sandiford described the mob as including teenagers. Sandiford made one additional claim. A vehicle was also in the chase. This same vehicle had run down Michael Griffith.
It had left the crime scene but it returned later with a father and son. The son claimed that he had hit a tire and, purportedly, was concerned about its condition. The father was a police sergeant with the NYPD. His son was a court officer. They were white.
In the meantime, Sandiford was in police custody. He was denied medical attention. His crime was the wrong skin color in the wrong venue. The aggravating factor was Sandiford’s claim that he had witnessed a driver, who happened to be a white cop not only lead the mob but also had caused Griffith’s death. “New York –we have a problem.”
Obviously, the NYPD and the Queens County district attorney’s office had to go into a cover-up mode. A war had to be orchestrated against Sandiford. It had to be well-publicized. This would mean summoning the white media as a partner in crime to question Sandiford’s credibility and to undermine his testimony.
Within 48 hours after the racial attack, the NYPD was scheduling a lineup while Sandiford was blind from blows by the bat-wielding mob. Two days after the attack, the NYPD seized Sandiford and took him to a local police precinct in Queens for the lineup. At the end of the day, the police hoped that the investigation would come to a close. The mob could celebrate.
This dream came to an end when Alton H. Maddox, Jr. walked into the police precinct and rescued Sandiford from the mob in blue. Police brass threatened to arrest Maddox for interfering with an official police investigation. Police Commissioner Benjamin Ward called Maddox an “ambulance chaser.” Mayor Ed Koch also joined the posse.
The prosecutor’s next move was to schedule a preliminary hearing instead of a grand jury investigation. A preliminary hearing is usually not used because it is a public hearing and no prosecutor’s office wants to tip its hand. A preliminary hearing benefits the defense.
The identity and testimony of grand jury witnesses is kept away from the defense until the witness actually testifies at a hearing or at a trial. By then, it is too late to conduct an investigation of the witness. Prosecutors also argue that jury tampering and jury intimidation may result from a preliminary hearing.
Maddox appeared at the Queens courthouse and informed Queens Criminal Court Judge Ernest Bianchi, that Sandiford would defy any subpoena and would not participate in a kangaroo hearing. Bianchi, who referred to Blacks as “Negroes,” immediately dismissed criminal charges against three white mob members citing Sandiford’s refusal to cooperate with his legal demise.
A similar scenario is occurring in the Sean Bell et. al investigation. The district attorney’s office has refused to impanel a grand jury and conduct a criminal investigation. The testimony of all grand jury witnesses must appear in the grand jury minutes and before the grand jury.
Nonetheless, lawyers for the victims and the witnesses are encouraging them to cooperate with the district attorney’s office but not the NYPD like they are not “kissing cousins.” This is a Mutt and Jeff scheme and the district attorney’s office is setting up a perjury trap.
Frederick Douglass stated, “Power concedes nothing without a demand, it never has and it never will.” A demand ends with “or else.” No one has stepped forward to specifically demand a special prosecutor as that term is defined in militant parlance.
There was an “or else” in Howard Beach. In the Bell case, some leaders are begging for a special prosecutor and, afterwards, witnesses and victims are stepping over each other to illegally cooperate with the district attorney’s office. No grand jury has been impaneled.
In Howard Beach, the victims never cooperated with the police nor the district attorney’s office and only cooperated with a grand jury impaneled by the special prosecutor. Only a grand jury can issue a subpoena. This means that neither the district attorney’s office nor the police can conduct an official investigation.
There was no fear of asserting legal rights in Howard Beach. There is a Black fear, and not a Black rage, in the Bell case. Everyone is engaged in double-talk. In Howard Beach, Koch was a symbol of racism. Today, no one has targeted Mayor Michael Bloomberg as a racist. “He who pays the piper calls the tune.” Bloomberg has deep pockets and Black leaders today are whores.
The white media was hostile to everyone in the Howard Beach case. It was certainly opposed to promoting any acts of civil disobedience in 1987. Today, the white media is promoting all “marches.” Of course, all marches today are planned by the NYPD.
Fifteen thousand Blacks seized Fifth Avenue in January 1987 and marched to Koch’s apartment in Greenwich Village and mounted a protest without a police permit. This was a common practice twenty years ago. Blacks seized the entire street. There were no iron fences erected on streets to corral Blacks like cattle.
In the end, there was a special prosecutor in Howard Beach . This was a first in this country’s history. There had never been a special prosecutor in a racially-motivated case. Today, Blacks are afraid to demand a special prosecutor and also the immediate arrest of the five assassins who murdered Bell and seriously wounded his two companions, Joseph Guzman and Trent Benefield.
What happened to Blacks in New York City between 1986 and 2006? Who is missing?
Within the next month, an effort is afoot to put the final nail in my legal coffin. I need your support immediately. Please send any expression of support to UAM Legal Defense Fund, c/o Alton H. Maddox, Jr., 16 Court Street, Ste. 1901, Brooklyn, NY 11241. The struggle must continue. Asante sana
See: Blueprint to End Police Terrorism at www.reinstatealtonmaddox.com
posted by Attorney Alton Maddox at 9:24 PM
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